re.  • 

:  458.1 
595 


UC-NRLF 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


UNION  AND  PEACE! 

HOW  THEY  SHALL  BE  RESTORED. 


OP 

HON.    CH^RLEB   SUMNEB, 


BEFORE  THE  REPUBLICAN  STATE  CONVENTION,  AT  WORCESTER, 

OCTOBER  1,  1861. 


Therefore  take  heed >. t 

How  you  awake  our  sleeping  sroord  of  War.  ^f     MM.  -^y  v  . 

We  charge  you,  in  the  name  of  God,  take  heed.  \ 


—SHAKSPEARE,  H&gry  V.  T<      \ 

nation  of  t 


»  *  % 

To  humor  the  present  disposition  and  temporize  is  a  certain,  absolutely  certaiiAfeonfinnalifon  of  the 
l.    No  nation  ever  did 
Holland,  18*A  June,  1804. 


Evil.    No  nation  ever  did  or  ever  ran  recover  from  Slavery  by  such  methods.  —  Mrlr'ox.  Letter  to  Lord 


^  *       V 

[Upon  the  appearance  of  Mr.  Sumner  on  the  platform,  Tie  was  nrost  cordially 
greeted  by  the  whole  Convention  and  the  large  audience  in  the  galleries.  Hon. 
H.  L.  Dawes,  President  of  the  Convention,  introduced  him  in  a  few  felicitous 
words,  whereupon  the  warm  applause  of  the  vast  assembly  burst  forth  a^ain  with 
great  enthusiasm,  ending  with  three  rousing  cheers.] 

FELLOW  CITIZENS  : — In  meeting  my  fellow  citizens  of  Massachusetts,  who  have 
come  together  on  this  occasion  from  all  parts  of  the  Commonwealth,  I  find  myself 
in  a  familiar  scene,  but  I  feel  that  there  has  been  a  change.  Yes !  there  has-been 
a  great  change,  and  it  is  manifest  in  our  Convention. 

We  are  no  longer  met,  as  so  often  in  times  past,  for  purposes  of  controversy,  or 
to  sustain  our  cause  by  argument.  That  hour  has  passed.  Formerly  I  have 
exposed  to  you  the  atrocities  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Bill ;  I  have  rejoiced  to  show 
that  Freedom  was  National  and  Slavery  Sectional ;  I  have  striven  to  prevent  the 
extension  of  Slavery  into  the  Territories ;  I  have  vindicated  especially  Freedom  in 
Kansas,  assailed  by  slaveholding  conspirators;  I  have  exposed  the  tyrannical 
usurpations  of  the  Slave  Oligarchy,  and  I  have  dragged  into  light  the  whole  vast 
intense  Barbarism  of  Slavery.  [Applause.]  But  these  topics  have  now  passed 
into  history,  and  are  no  longer  of  practical  interest.  They  are  not  of  to-day. 

Let  us  rejoice  that  at  least  so  much  has  been  gained,  and  from  the  extent  of  our 
present  triumphs  take  hope  and  courage  for  the  future.  Providence  will  be  with 
the  good  cause  in  times  to  come,  as  in  times  past.  Others  may  despair;  I  do  not, 
Others  may  see  gloom ;  I  cannot.  Others  may  hesitate ;  I  will  not.  [Applause.] 
Already  the  country  has  been  saved.  Great  as  may  seem  to  be  its  present  peril, 
its  peril  was  greater  far  while  it  was  sinking  year  after  year  under  the  rule  of 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


Slavery.  Often  have  I  exclaimed,  in  times  past,  that  our  first  great  object  was 
the  Emancipation  of  the  National  Government,  so  that  it  should  no  longer  be  the 
slave  of  Slavery,  ready  to  do  its  bidding  in  all  things.  But  this  victory  has  been 
won.  It  was  won  first  by  the  ballot-box,  when  Abraham  Lincoln  was  elected 
President  of  the  United  States ;  [applause] — and  it  was  won  the  second  time  by 
the  cartridge-box,  when,  at  the  command  of  the  President,  the  guns  of  Fort 
Sumter  returned  defiance  to  the  rebel  artillery.  [Three  cheers.]  Such  was  the 
madness  of  Slavery  that  the  first  was  not  enough.  Unhappily,  the  second  was 
needed  to  complete  the  work. 

God  be  praised !  Much  has  been  already  done.  The  Slave  Oligarchy,  which, 
according  to  the  vaunt  of  a  slaveholding  Senator,  has  ruled  the  Republic  for  more 
than  fifty  years ;  which  has  stamped  its  degrading  character  upon  the  national 
forehead ;  which  has  entered  into  and  possessed  not  only  the  politics,  but  the  litera 
ture  and  even  the  religion  of  the  land  ;  which  has  embroiled  us  at  home  and  given 
us  a  bad  name  abroad ;  which  has  wielded  at  will  President,  Cabinet  and  even 
judicial  tribunals ;  which  has  superseded  Public  Opinion  by  substituting  its  own 
immoral  behests ;  which  has  appropriated  to  itself  the  offices  and  honors  of  the 
Republic ;  which  has  established  Slavery  as  the  single  test  and  shiboleth  of  favor  . 
which,  after  opening  all  our  Territories  to  this  wrong,  was  already  promising  to 
renew  the  slave  trade  and  all  its  unutterable  woes ;  nay,  more,  which,  in  the 
instinct  of  that  tyranny  through  which  it  ruled,  was  beating  down  all  the  safeguards 
of  human  rights— freedom  of  speech,  freedom  of  the  press,  and  security  of  person, 
and  delivering  the  whole  country  to  a  sway  whose  vulgarity  was  Second  only  to 
its  madness;  this  domineering  Slave  Oligarchy  has 'been  dislodged  from  the 
National  Government,  never  more  to  return.  [Immense  sensation.]  Thus  far, 
at  least,  has  Emancipation  prevailed.  The  greatest  slave  of  all  is  free. 

Surely,  if  at  any  moment,  we  are  disposed  to  be  disheartened — if  the  Future  is 
not  always  clear  before  us,  we  may  find  ample  occasion  for  joy  in  the  victory 
already  won.  Pillars,  like  those  of  Hercules,  might  fitly  mark  this  progress. 

Among  the  results  of  this  victory,  is  one  which  we  may  especially  enjoy  on  this 
occasion.  It  is  Slavery  which  has  been  the  origin  of  our  party  divisions,  keeping 
men  asunder  who  ought  to  act  together.  But  with  the  expulsion  of  this  disturbing 
influence,  the  apology  for  these  divisions  has  ceased.  All  patriots, — all  who  truly 
love  their  country — may  now  act  together ;  no  matter  in  what  party  combination 
they  may  have  formerly  appeared ;  no  matter,  of  what  accent  is  the  speech  by 
which  their  present  duties  are  declared.  Call  them  democrats,  Union  men,  natives 
or  foreigners,  what  you  will,  are  we  not  all  engaged  in  a  common  cause  ?  Nor 
will  I  claim  as  yet  the  highest  praise  for  those  with  whom  I  am  most  intimately 
associated.  I  have  read  history  too  well,  not  to  remember  that  faithful  allies 
are  sometimes  superior  to  domestic  veterans.  Hannibal,  in  his  campaigns,  relied 
less  on  his  own  Carthaginians  than  on  his  Spanish  Infantry  and  Numidian  horse.— 

The  Government  is  assailed  by  a  Rebellion  without  precedent.  Never  before 
Since  Satan  warred  upon  the  Almighty  has  Rebellion  assumed  such  a  front ; 
[applause] — and  never  before  has  it  begun  in  such  a  cause.  The  rebels  are 
numerous  and  powerful ;  and  their  cause  is  Slavery.  [Sensation.] 

It  is  the  very  essence  of  rebellion  to  be  audacious,  unhesitating,  unscrupulous. 
Rebellion  sticks  at  nothing ;  least  of  all,  with  a  rebellion  which  began  in  Slavery. 


3 

It  can  be  successfully  encountered  only  by  a  vigor  and  energy  which  shall  surpass 
its  own.  Patriotism  surely  is  not  less  potent  as  a  motive  than  treason.  It  must 
be  invoked.  By  all  the  memories  of  your  fathers,  who  founded  this  Republic  and 
delivered  to  you  the  precious  heritage ;  and  by  all  the  sentiments  of  gratitude  for 
the  good  you  have  enjoyed  beneath  its  protecting  care,  you  are  summoned  to  its 
defence.  Defence,  did  I  say  ?  It  is  with  mortification  that  I  utter  the  word ;  but 
you  all  know  the  truth. 

The  rebel  conspirators  have  set  upon  us,  and  now  besiege  the  National  Govern 
ment.  They  besiege  it  at  Washington,  where  are  the  President  and  his  Cabinet 
and  the  national  archives.  They  besiege  it  at  Fort  Monroe  on  the  Atlantic,  at 
St.  Louis  on  the  Mississippi,  and  now  they  besiege  it  in  Kentucky.  Everywhere 
we  are  on  the  defensive.  [Sensation.]  Strongholds  have  been  wrested  from  us. 
Soldiers  gathered  under  the  folds  of  our  national  flag  have  been  compelled  to 
surrender.  Citizens,  whose  only  offence  has  been  their  loyalty,  have  been  driven 
from  their  homes.  Bridges  have  been  burned.  Railways  have  been  disabled. 
Steamers  and  ships  have  been  seized.  The  largest  navy  yard  of  the  country  has 
been  appropriated.  Commerce  has  been  hunted  on  the  sea,  and  property,  where- 
ever  it  can  be  reached,  ruthlessly  robbed  or  destroyed.  Only  within  a  few  days 
we  have  read  the  order  of  one  Buckner,  a  rebel  commander  in  Kentucky,  direct 
ing  the  destruction  of  a  most  important  lock,  by  which  Green  River  had  been 
rendered  navigable.  Pardon  me  if  I  ask  your  attention  to  this  intercepted  order. 
It  is  instructive,  as  showing  the  spirit  with  which  this  rebellion  is  waged : — 

BOWLING  GREEN,  September,  1861. 
Mr.  George  W.  Triplet*: 

^  My  Dear  Sir  :  Yours  is  received.  Lock  No.  1  must  be  destroyed.  I  rely  upon  our  friends 
at  Owenborough  to  do  it.  Not  an  hour  must  be  lost.  Its  destruction  is  a  great  deal  to  me 
in  crippling  our  adversary.  Assemble  our  friends,  without  delay,  in  sufficient  force  to  accom 
plish  the  object.  One  of  the  best  ways  is  to  open  all  the  gates  but  one,  and  to  dig  down 
behind  the  wall  at  both  gates;  to  put  one  or  two  kegs  of  powder  behind  the  wall,  apply  a 
slow  match,  and  blow  the  wall  into  the  lock.  If  possible,  it  should  be  done  in  such  a  way  as 
to  leave  a  strong  current  through  the  lock,  which  will  empty  the  dam.  Provide  every  thing 
in  advance.  Do  not  fail.  It  is  worth  an  effort. 

(Signed)  S.  H.  BUCKNER. 

It  is  still  doubtful  if  the  work  of  destruction  was  accomplished  according  to 
this  rebel  order.  But  thus  madly  was  it  attempted  to  sweep  away  one  of  the  most 
valuable  of  the  internal  improvements  of  Kentucky,  a  part  of  the  pride  and 
wealth  of  the  State. 

Do  you  ask  in  whose  name  all  this  has  been  done.  The  answer  is  easy.  Not 
"  in  the  name  of  God  and  the  Continental  Congress,"  as  Ethan  Allen  summoned 
Ticonderoga ;  but  "  in  the  name  of  Slavery."  Yes ;  in  the  name  of  Slavery, 
and  nothing  else,  has  all  this  crime,  destruction  and  ravage  been  perpetrated ; 
and  the  work  is  still  proceeding. 

Look  at  the  war  as  you  will,  and  you  will  always  see  Slavery.  Never  were 
the  words  of  the  Roman  orator  more  applicable :  Nullum  f acinus  extitit  nisi  per 
te  ;  nullum  flagitum  sine  te.  "  No  guilt  unless  through  thee,  no  crime  without 
thee."  Slavery  is  its  inspiration  ;  its  motive  power ;  its  end  and  aim  ;  its  be-all 
and  end-all. 

It  is  often  said  that  the  war  will  make  an  end  of  Slavery.  This  is  probable. 
But  it  is  surer  still,  that  the  overthrow  of  Slavery  will  at  once  make  an  end  of  the 
war.  [Tumultuous  applause  and  cheers.] 


If  I  am  correct  in  this  statement,  which  I  believe  is  beyond  question,  then  do 
reason,  justice  and  policy  all  unite  in  declaring  that  the  war  must  be  brought  to 
bear  directly  on  the  grand  conspirator,  and  omnipresent  enemy.  [Here  the 
vociferous  cheers  of  the  Convention  interrupted  the  speaker.]  Not  to  do  this,  is 
to  take  upon  ourselves,  in  the'present  contest,  all  the  weakness  of  Slavery,  while 
we  leave  to  the  rebels  its  boasted  resources  of  military  strength.  [Cheers.]  Not 
to  do  this,  is  to  squander  life  and  treasure  in  a  vain  masquerade  of  battle,  which 
can  have  no  practical  result.  Not  to  do  this,  is  blindly  to  neglect  the  plainest 
dictates  of  economy,  humanity  and  common  sense ;  and  alas  !  simply  to  let  slip 
the  dogs  of  war  on  a  mad  chase  over  the  land,  never  to  stop  until  spent  with 
fatigue,  or  sated  with  slaughter.  [Sensation.] 

Believe  me,  fellow  citizens,  I  know  all  the  imagined  difficulties  and  unques 
tioned  responsibilities  of  this  suggestion.  But  if  you  are  in  earnest,  the  difficul 
ties  will  at  once  disappear,  and  the  responsibilities  are  such  as  you  will  gladly 
bear.  This  is  not  the  first  time  that  a  knot  hard  to  untie  has  been  cut  by  the 
sword;  [cheeers]  and  we  all  know  that  danger  flees  before  the  brave  man. 
Believe  that  you  can,  and  you  can.  The  will  only  is  needed.  Courage  now  is 
the  highest  prudence.  [Applause.] 

It  is  not  necessary  even,  according  to  a  familiar  phrase,  to  carry  the  war  into 
Africa.  It  will  be  enough  if  we  carry  Africa  into  the  war — [here  the  outburst  of 
applause  compelled  the  speaker  to  suspend  his  remarks  ;]  in  any  form,  any  quan 
tity,  any  way.  [Continued  applause.]  The  moment  this  is  done,  rebellion  will 
begin  its  bad  luck,  and  the  Union  will  be  secure  forever.  [Cheers.] 

History  teaches  by  examples.  The  occasion  does  not  allow  me  to  show  how 
completely  this  monitor  points  the  way.  I  content  myself  with  two  instances  of 
special  mark — one  from  ancient  Greece  and  the  other  from  ancient  Rome, 

The  most  fatal  day  for  ancient  Greece  was  that  "  dishonest  victory  "  at  Chero- 
naea,  when  Philip  of  Macedon  triumphed  over  combined  forces,  in  which  Demos 
thenes  was  enlisted  as  a  soldier.  The  panic  was  universal.  Athens  was  thrown 
into  consternation.  Her  great  orator  had  fought  bravely,  but  ineffectually. 
Another  orator,  called  by  -Milton  "  the  old  man  eloquent,"  died  suddenly  on 
hearing  the  report  of  the  defeat.  The  book  of  Fate  seemed  about  to  close,  while 
the  proud  Athenian  State  sank  to  be  a  Macedonian  province.  Then  it  was  that 
a  patriot  orator,  Hypereides,  launched  a  proposition  to  emancipate  the  slaves. 
The  effect  was  electric.  The  royal  Philip,  already  strong  in  his  victory,  trembled. 
King  and  conqueror,  he  was  also  statesman,  and  he  saw  well  that  such  a  propo 
sition,  begun  in  Athens,  would  shake  all  Greece,  even  to  his  powerful  throne, 
which  the  young  Alexander  was  then  preparing  to  mount.  His  triumphant  course 
was  at  once  arrested,  and  peace  secured. 

The  other  instance  is  in  Roman  history.  You  will  find  it  in  Plutarch's  Life  of 
Caius  Marius.  This  experienced  general, — and  his  great  experience  gives  to  his 
example  the  highest  authority, — who  in  the  civil  conflicts  of  the  time  had  been 
driven  from  Rome,  and  found  shelter  in  the  ruins  of  Carthage,  was  able  at  last 
to  effect  a  landing  in  Italy.  Thus  is  the  incident  recorded  : — 

"  Marius  upon  this  news  determined  to  hasten.  He  took  with  him  some  Marusian  horse 
which  he  had  levied  in  Africa,  and  a  few  others  that  were  come  to  him  from  Italy,  in  all  not 
amounting  to  above  a  thousand  men,  and  with  this  handful  began  his  voyage.  He  arrived 
at  a  port  of  Etruria  called  Telamon,  and  as  soon  as  he  was  landed  proclaimed  Liberty  to  the 


slaves^  [immense  applause,]  and,  joining  to  them  the  stoutest  husbandmen  and  shepherds, 
freemen,  who  had  flocked  to  the  shore,  he  gathered  in  a  few  days  a  great  force,  with  which  he 
filled  forty  ships." 

Thus  far  Plutarch.  It  is  needless  to  add  that  Marius  found  himself  soon 
master  of  Rome.  [Applause.] 

These  are  historic  instances.  I  do  not  adduce  them  that  you  should  blindly 
follow  them ;  but  simply  that  you  should  see  how,  in  times  past,  defeat  has  been 
stayed  and  victory  won,  by  a  generous  word  for  Freedom.  Men  die  and  disap 
pear,  but  the  Human  Family  continues  the  same,  in  passions  and  fears,  as  when 
Philip  was  frightened  back  from  Athens  and  when  Marius  was  borne  in  triumph 
to  Rome.  [Applause.] 

To  these  historic  instances,  let  me  add  the  authority  of  the  ancient  Roman 
law,  and  I  refer  you  for  it  to  the  common  Dictionary  of  Antiquities,  now 
used  in  all  our  schools.  According  to  that  law,  the  state  of  Slavery  might  be 
terminated  in  at  least  three  different  manners :  first,  by  manumission ;  secondly, 
by  enactments  of  reward  to  the  slave:  and  thirdly,  by  enactments  of  punishment 
to  the  master.  [Great  sensation.]  If  the  master  had  failed  to  be  a  good  citizen, 
he  might  be  punished — so  that  at  the  same  time  he  should  suffer  in  property  and 
others  should  gain  what  is  more  than  property — freedom.  But  I  do  not  cite 
even  this  example  of  a  time-honored  jurisprudence  for  your  absolute  guidance. 
I  will  not  doubt  that,  in  the  unparalleled  circumstances  by  which  we  are  now 
encompassed,  justice  will  be  done. 

Already  the  way  is  easy.  A  simple  declaration — that  all  men  coming  within 
the  lines  of  the  United  States  troops  shall  be  regarded  as  freemen — will  be  in 
strict  conformity  to  the  Constitution,  and  also  with  precedents.  The  Constitution 
knows  no  man  as  a  slave.  It  treats  all  within  its  jurisdiction  as  persons,  while 
the  exceptional  provision  for  the  rendition  of  persons  held  to  service  or  labor, 
you  will  observe,  is  carefully  confined  to  such  as  have  escaped  into  another  State, 
so  that  in  Virginia,  it  does  not  require  the  surrender  of  a  Virginia  slave ;  nor  in 
Missouri  of  a  Missouri  slave.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  there  can  be  no  sanction 
under  the  Constitution,  for  turning  a  National  camp  into  a  slave-pen,  or  for 
turning  military  officers  into  slave-hunters.  Let  this  plain  construction  be 
adopted,  and  then,  as  our  lines  advance,  Freedom  will  every  where  be  established 
and  our  National  flag  in  its  march  will  wave  with  new  glory.  [Applause.] 

A  brave  General,  whom  Massachusetts  has  given  to  the  country — though  com 
mencing  his  career  with  prejudices  derived  from  the  pro-slavery  school  of  poli 
ticians — has  known  how  to  see  this  question  in  its  true  light.  I  mean,  of  course, 
General  Butler.  [Immense  cheering  interrupting  the  speaker  for  some  time.] 
He  has  declared  in  his  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  dated  Fortress  Monroe, 
30th  July,  1861,  with  reference  to  fugitive  slaves,  that  it  is  his  duty  "  to  take  the 
same  care  of  these  men,  women  and  children,  houseless,  homeless  and  unprovided 
for,  as  he  would  of  the  same  number  of  men,  women  and  children,  who,  for  their 
attachment  to  the  Union,  had  been  driven  or  allowed  to  flee  from  the  Confederate 
States."  These  words  are  better  for  his  reputation  than  a  victory.  [Applause 
and  cheers.] 

Another  General,  born  in  Kentucky  and  living  and  dying  in  the  South — 
Major-General  Gaines  of  the  army  of  the  United  States— laid  down  the  same 


rule  as  long  ago  as  1838.  It  will  be  found  in  the  documents  of  Congress.  "  The 
military  officer,*'  said  he,  "  can  enter  into  no  judicial  examination  of  the  claim  of 
one  man  to  the  bone  and  muscle  of  another  as  property.  Nor  could  he,  as  a 
military  officer,  know  what  the  laws  of  Florida  were  while  engaged  in  maintain 
ing  the  Federal  Government  by  force  of  arms.  In  such  case,  he  could  only  be 
guided  by  the  laws  of  war ;  and  whatever  may  be  the  laws  of  any  State,  they 
must  yield  to  the  safety  of  the  Federal  Government." 

This  proposition,  though  of  seeming  simplicity,  would  be  of  incalculable  efficacy 
if  honestly  and  sincerely  enforced.  Then  would  our  camps  become  nurseries  of 
freemen,  and  every  common  soldier  would  be  a  chain  breaker. 

But  there  is  another  agency,  that  may  be  invoked,  which  is  at  the  same  time 
under  the  Constitution  and  above  the  Constitution  :  I  mean  Martial  Law.  It  is 
under  the  Constitution,  because  the  War  Power  to  which  it  belongs  is  positively 
recognized  by  the  Constitution.  It  is  above  the  Constitution,  because,  when 
set  in  motion,  like  necessity,  it  knows  no  other  law.  For  the  time  it  is  law  and 
Constitution.  The  civil  power,  in  mass  and  in  detail,  is  superseded,  and  all  rights 
are  held  subordinate  to  this  military  magistracy.  All  other  agencies,  small  and 
great,  executive,  legislative  and  even  judicial,  are  absorbed  in  this  transcendent 
triune  power,  which,  for  the  time,  declares  its  absolute  will,  while  it  holds  alike 
the  scales  of  justice  and  the  sword  of  the  executioner.  The  existence  of  this 
power  nobody  questions.  If  it  has  been  rarely  exercised  in  our  country,  and 
never  in  an  extended  manner,  the  power  none  the  less  has  a  fixed  place  in  our 
political  system.  As  well  strike  out  the  kindred  law  of  self-defence,  which 
belongs  alike  to  States  and  individuals.  Martial  law  is  only  one  form  of  self- 
defence. 

That  this  law  might  be  employed  against  Slavery  was  first  proclaimed  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  by  a  Massachusetts  statesman,  who  was  a  champion  of 
freedom,  John  Quincy  Adams.  [Applause.]  His  authority  is  such  that  I  con 
tent  myself  with  placing  the  law  under  the  sanction  of  his  name,  which  becomes 
more  authoritative  when'we  consider  the  circumstances  under  which  he  first  put 
it  forth,  then  repeated  and  then  again  vindicated  it. 

It  was  as  early  as  the  25th  of  May,  1836,  that  Mr.  Adams  first  expounded 
what  he  called  "  The  war  power  and  treaty-making  power  of  the  Constitution." 
Then  it  was  that 'he  declared: 

"  From  the  instant  that  your  slaveholding  States  become  the  theatre  of  war,  civil,  ser 
vile  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers  of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with 
the  institution  of  slavery  in  every  way  in  which  it  can  be  interfered  with,  from  a  claim  of 
indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or  destroyed,  to  the  cession  of  the  State  burdened  with  slavery  to 
a  foreign  power." 

Again,  on  the  7th  of  June,  1841,  after  many  years  of  reflection,  and  added 
experience  in  public  life,  he  terrified  slavemasters  by  showing  that  Universal 
Emancipation  might  be  accomplished  through  this  extraordinary  power. 

Afterward,  on  the  14th  of  April,  1842,  for  the  third  time  he  stated  the  doctrine 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  challenged  criticism  or  reply.  I  forbear  to 
read  the  whole  speech,  though  it  is  worthy  of  constant  repetition.  An  extract 
will  suffice : 


"  I  lay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  the  military  authority  takes,  for  the 
time,  the  place  of  all  municipal  institutions,  slavery  among  the  rest.  Under  that  state  of 
things,  so  far  from  its  being  true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclusive 
management  of  the  subject,  not  only  the  President  of  the  United  States,  but  the  commander  of 
the  army,  has  power  to  order  the  universal  emancipation  of  the  slaves."  [Applause.] 

And  then  again  he  announces  in  words  further  applicable  to  the  present  hour : 

"  Nor  is  this  a  mere  theoretic  statement.  Slavery  was  abolished  in  Colombia,  first,  by  the 
Spanish  General,  Murillo,  and  secondly,  by  the*  American  General  Bolivar.  It  was  abolished 
by  virtue  of  a  military  command  given  at  the  head  of  the  army,  and  its  abolition  continues  to 
be  law  to  this  day." 

The  representatives  of  slavery  fumed  and  raged  at  these  words  and  at  their 
venerable  author ;  but  nobody  answered  them.  And  they  have  stood  ever  since 
in  the  records  of  Congress,  firm  and  impregnable  as  adamant. 

In  the  protracted  controversy  which  is  now  drawing  to  its  close,  Massachusetts 
has  done  much.  She  first  gave  the  example  of.  Universal  Freedom  within  her 
borders  ;  and  ever  since  that  early  day  she  has  taken  a  leading  part  in  all  efforts 
against  Slavery.  It  is  her  children  who  have  never  failed  in  this  cause,  where 
any  thing  was  to  be  done,  whether  by  word  or  deed.  Massachusetts  has  for  years 
borne  the  burden  of  this  discussion,  and  also  the  heavier  burden  of  obloquy,  which 
has  long  rested  upon  all  who  pleaded  for  the  slave.  It  is  Massachusetts,  who, 
with  patriotic  ardor,  first  leaped  to  the  rescue,  when  the  Capital  was  menaced  by 
Slavery  [applause]  and  by  a  happy  coincidence  on  the  19th  of  April  of  this  year, 
consecrated  herself  anew  by  the  blood  of  her  children ;  [applause]  thus  being  at 
the  same  time  first  to  do  and  first  to  suffer.  [Immense  applause.]  It  was  also  a 
Massachusetts  General  who  first  in  this  conflict  proclaimed  that  our  camps  could 
not  contain  a  slave ;  [vociferous  applause]  and  it  was  an  illustrious  Massachusetts 
statesman  who  first  unfolded  the  beneficent  principle  by  virtue  of  which,  constitu 
tionally,  legally,  and  without  excess  of  any  kind,  the  President  or  a  Commanding 
General  may  become  more  than  a  conqueror,  even  a  Liberator.  [Applause  and 
great  sensation.] 

Massachusetts  will  be  false  to  herself,  if  she  fails  at  this  moment.  [Sensation.] 
And  yet,  I  would  not  be  misunderstood.  Feeling  most  profoundly  that  there  is 
now  an  opportunity,  such  as  rarely  occurs  in  human  annals,  for  incalculable 
good ;  seeing  clearly  that  there  is  one  spot,  like  the  heel  of  Achilles,  where  this 
great  Rebellion  may  be  wounded  to  death — I  calmly  deliver  the  whole  question  to 
the  judgment  of  those  on  whom  the  responsibility  rests,  contenting  myself  with 
reminding  you  that  there  are  times  when  not  to  act  carries  with  it  a  greater 
responsibility  than  to  act.  It  is  enough  for  us  to  review  the  unquestioned 
powers  of  the  government,  to  handle  for  a  moment  its  mighty  weapons,  which  are 
yet  allowed  to  slumber, — without  assuming  to  declare  that  the  hour  has  come 
when  they  shall  flash  against  the  sky. 

But  may  a  good  Providence  save  our  government  from  that  everlasting  regret 
which  must  ensue  if  a  great  opportunity  is  lost  by  which  all  the  bleeding  wounds 
of  war  shall  be  staunched — by  which  prosperity  shall  be  again  established,  and 
Peace  be  made  immortal  in  the  embrace  of  Liberty.  [Applause.]  Saul  was 
cursed  for  not  hewing  Agag  in  pieces  when  in  his  hands,  and  Ahab  was  cursed 
for  not  destroying  Benhadad.  Let  no  such  curses  ever  descend  upon  us. 


8 

"  So  many  slaves,  so  many  enemies !"  Unless  this  ancient  proverb  has  ceased 
to  be  true,  there  are  now  four  millions  of  enemies  intermingled  with  the  rebels, 
toiling  in  their  fields,  digging  in  their  camps,  and  sitting  at  their  firesides,  con 
stituting  four  millions  of  allies  to  the  National  government.  Careful  calculations 
demonstrate  that  out  of  this  number,  there  are  upwards  of  one  million  of  an  age 
for  military  service ;  that  in  Virginia  alone,  there  are  121,564  male  slaves  of  an 
age  for  military  service  ;  in  Missouri,  21,334,  and  in  Kentucky,  51,990.  Can  we 
afford  to  reject  this  natural  alliance,  inspired  by  a  common  interest,  and  conse 
crated  by  humanity  ?  There  is  another  motive  to  such  an  alliance  which  cannot 
be  forgotten.  Without  it  insurrection  will  be  inevitable,  and  when  it  comes  it 
will  be  wild  and  lawless.  This  should  be  prevented,  if  possible.  But  if  Liberty 
does  not  descend  from  the  tranquil  heights  of  power,  it  will  rise  in  blood,  amidst 
the  confusion  of  families.  And  what  a  difference  between  the  two  apparitions  ! 
The  one  has  the  face  of  an  angel  radiant  with  celestial  life  ;  the  other  has  the 
front  of  a  demon,  "  shaking  from  its  horrid  hair  pestilence  and  war."  [Great 
applause  and  cheering.]  All  this  was  clearly  seen  by  the  Emperor  of  Russia, 
when  on  the  21st  of  September,  1858,  he  called  upon  his .  people  to  unite  with 
him  in  Emancipation,  "  which,"  he  nobly  declared,  "  ought  to  begin  from  above 
to  the  end  that  it  may  not  come  from  below,"  and  now  this  very  year  twenty 
millions  of  Russian  serfs  have  peacefully  passed  out  of  the  house  of  bondage. 
Cheered  by  this  great  example,  let  us  not  forget  that  it  began  from  above. 

There  is  another  practical  advantage  where  the  action  proceeds  from  the 
government.  The  interests  of  loyal  citizens  can  be  protected.  Compensation 
may  relieve  the  hardships  of  individual  cases,  or  of  meritorious  classes ;  nor  can 
I  object.  Never  should  any  question  of  money  be  allowed  to  interfere  with 
human  freedom.  Better  an  empty  treasury  than  a  single  slave.  A  Bridge  of 
Gold  would  be  cheap,  if  demanded  by  the  retreating  fiend. 

Fellow  citizens :  I  have  spoken  frankly ;  for  such  has  always  been  my  habit. 
And  never  was  there  greater  need  of  frankness.  Let  patriots  understand  each 
other  and  they  cannot  widely  differ.  All  will  unite  in  whatever  is  required  by 
the  sovereign  exigencies  of  self-defence.  All  will  unite  in  sustaining  the  govern 
ment,  and  in  driving  back  the  rebels.  But  this  cannot  be  done  by  any  half-way 
measures,  or  by  any  lukewarm  conduct.  Do  not  hearken  to  the  voice  of  Slavery, 
no  matter  what  its  tones  of  persuasion.  It  is  the  gigantic  Traitor — not  for  a 
moment  to  be  trusted.  Believe  me,  its  friendship  is  more  deadly  than  its  enmity. 
[Sensation.]  If  you  are  wise,  prudent,  economical,  conservative,  practical,  you 
will  strike  quick  and  hard — strike  too  where  the  blow  will  be  most  felt — strike  at 
the  main-spring  of  the  rebellion.  Strike  in  the  name  of  the  Union,  which  only 
in  this  way  can  be  restored — in  the  name  of  Peace,  which  is  vain  without  Union, 
and  in  the  name  of  Liberty  also,  sure  to  bring  both  Peace  and  Union  in  her 
glorious  train. 

[As  Mr.  Sumner  closed,  the  hearty  approval  of  the  sentiments  of  the  speech, 
found  utterance  in  the  most  enthusiastic  and  long-continued  demonstrations  of 
applause.] 

Wright  &  Potter,  Printers,  4  Spring  Lane,  Boston. 


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1    \967 


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APR17RBTD 


LIBRARY,  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  DAVIS 

Book  Slip-10m-l,'63(D5068s4)458 


__PAMPHLET  B 

-    Syracuse 
~-   Stockti 


291825 


Sumner,  C. 
Union  and  peace! 


Call  Number: 


EU58.1 


^459.; 


291825 


